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Retail zones will be shiny and feature all the top designer brands. Many of the people you see in public will be well-groomed, well-healed and beautiful, but often with only one political party and a strict public code. The first and easiest area to challenge is the physical realm of the control system. The most obvious of these are the gadgets and toys. They are easy to see. Look at your local police department and notice the difference between what officers looked like and what they wore in the s, s, s and now in the 21 st century.

Your average officer today looks like a cross between a soldier and an android. It was early in the evening and approximately 4, demonstrators suddenly found themselves trapped at Bishopsgate.

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Several hundred police officers on foot and horseback had blocked all the entrances and egresses in and out of the main road. Even alleyways were manned by riot police. Then police began charging the crowds, and beating protesters with clubs. The worst part about it was there was no escape route away from the police.

Many were beaten and trampled on that evening. It was as if police planners were playing a video game.

DAVID ICKE: The New World Order And The Police State

It does not care who you are, what your views and opinions are, or whether you were innocent or guilty. If you complain too much, or become emotional, or heaven forbid act out in any way, then the machine will move in to subdue and detain you. That is all there is to it. The CCTV phenomenon in Britain was fuelled by an obsession with cameras that became increasingly popular with both government and corporate technocrats in the s and s. The psychology behind the exponential proliferation in cameras was mainly a fairly crude bit of criminology which held that the cameras would somehow act as a deterrent to criminal behaviour, and thus subdue the feral population into a more docile state.

It turns out that the real value of the CCTV camera grid is not so much the monitoring of crime per se , as it is in mass applied behavioural psychology. If you appreciate this article, please consider a subscription to New Dawn magazine. The Panopticon The physical Police State could not exist without some philosophical underpinning.

Before Orwell, there was Bentham…. For technocrats and emerging utilitarian social managers of that era, this was seen as the most economic and efficient solution. Sitting well above the security minions and the industry profiteers, elite scholars knew full well that CCTV cameras do not stop crime. The real power of the Panopticon is in convincing the general population they are under constant surveillance. After that point, through a long-term process of nudging, diversions and scare tactics, the State gradually moulds the behaviour and thoughts of its subjects.

In order to keep citizens locked into this new conscious state of fear and trepidation, the State needs an enemy…. One of the chief campaigns to nudge society towards a fully-functional Orwellian State is the War on Terror. In Oceania, people eventually forgot what started the long war. The news was just one terrorist attack after another. They enemy was everywhere, but nowhere too. It could not insist on winning every transaction. There had to be a relatively level playing field — at times even one that favored the other liberal powers.

That arrangement was not perfect. Yet, unlike the Soviet bloc, American hegemony never left allies so aggrieved as to drive them away.

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They recognized that the American-led order was flawed, but it remained superior to any realistic alternatives. Yes, Europeans opposed specific US foreign policy choices. From Vietnam to Iraq, they resented certain American actions as misguided, selfish, and oppressive. However, the jungle has begun to grow back in Europe not because the United States did too much, but because it has done too little.

Beginning with Barack Obama, the United States decreased its involvement in Europe and its commitment to regional stability. Obama refused to use adequate force to restore some semblance of stability in Syria as the civil war drove refugees into Europe. The American vision of the order, rested on a grand bargain: the other liberal powers were to cede strategic hegemony to the United States; in return, America would not use that hegemony to constrain their economic growth.

The resulting crisis, more than any other factor, contributed to the rising popularity of nationalist, ultranationalist, and even overtly fascist political parties across Europe. Dealing with that resulting populism and nationalism—both in Europe and the United States—is the first step to restoring the transatlantic alliance and renewing it for the coming decades. As with China, the Trump administration is using a geoeconomics lens when it looks at Europe.

They are now competitors to be beaten.

The New World Order

With this trade-first perspective, some Americans, including their president, may not like the European Union any more than many Britons and continental Europeans do. The EU binds European countries together in ways that annoy and cause conflict, but also in ways that make European disintegration less likely. They contain the territorial and nationalist disputes among Eastern and Central European states.

It is hard to believe that a Europe without the European Union could remain peacefully postmodern. In this moment of challenge from the United States and with a crisis of democracy spreading across Europe, Europeans must strengthen themselves first. While populists like Marine Le Pen in France and Geert Wilders in Holland lost their elections, the fact that there were widespread sighs of relief over those two outcomes shows how far the right-wing nationalist parties have come.

The United States must accept its share of the blame for what has happened to Europe—both under Obama and under Trump. But only Europeans can bolster liberal democracy at home to preserve it in a world where it is increasingly embattled. He served in the State Department from to as a member of the policy planning staff, as principal speechwriter for Secretary of State George P.

Shultz, and as deputy for policy in the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs. The support of our corporate partners, individual members and donors is critical to sustaining our work.

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